India’s freebie paradox: Voters dislike it but want some things for free

Even though freebies are disliked greatly, respondents did want some goods and services for free or at somewhat subsidized rates. (Image: Pixabay)
Even though freebies are disliked greatly, respondents did want some goods and services for free or at somewhat subsidized rates. (Image: Pixabay)

Summary

Respondents across party lines disliked freebies but supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were more likely to find them unnecessary, a vote-seeking ploy, and hurting the country’s financial situation.

Most urban Indians look down upon electoral promises of free goods and services, or “freebies", but that does not stop them from wanting some amenities for free (health and education) or at subsidized rates (gas cylinders and electricity), especially among those higher up the income ladder. That’s a key finding from the latest round of the YouGov-Mint-CPR Millennial Survey, held in July against the backdrop of a trend of election campaigns focusing on the freebies culture in politics.

The survey asked its 10,314 respondents their views on a list of three statements related to free goods and services. Of them, 56% agreed they were unnecessary freebies, 78% agreed they were mainly aimed at getting votes, and 61% said they could hurt the country’s financial situation. The negative view was more common in north and central states, and among the older cohort (those born before 1981), those in Tier-I cities, and those with higher incomes.

This is along the lines of the findings to a similar question in the previous round of the survey held in December 2023, though with increased distaste for free goods and services.

The latest survey was the 12th in a biannual series conducted by Mint in association with survey partner YouGov India and Delhi-based think tank Centre for Policy Research. The respondents were spread across over 200 cities and towns. Conducted since 2018, the survey throws light on the beliefs, choices, and anxieties of India’s young urban population.

Respondents across party lines disliked freebies but supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) were more likely to find them unnecessary, a vote-seeking ploy, and hurtful to the country’s financial situation. As many as 64% of them said they were unnecessary freebies(higher than 59% in the previous round), against 49% among Congress supporters. Among supporters of the Aam Aadmi Party, whose policies in Delhi and Punjab have brought the focus on free services like electricity in recent years, 49% said the same. The Congress, too, has made cash transfers part of its electoral discourse.

(Around 46% of the respondents were BJP supporters, 15% supported Congress, and 3% AAP.)

India has always had subsidies on some goods and services, including food and fuel, since Independence. However, the debate over whether such moves are fiscally responsible was reignited by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in July 2022 when he attacked Opposition parties over the “revdi culture" and said it was “dangerous for the country’s development".

The previous round of the survey found that BJP supporters, despite their general disapproval of subsidy policies, were highly supportive of those launched by BJP governments and distrusting of those of Congress governments. The vice versa was true for Congress supporters.

Also Read: In charts: Story of polls, freebies and politics

Class clash

Despite an overwhelming opinion against freebies, there was some disagreement over the merits of such policies across the rich-poor divide. A clear majority across both sides (70% of those who identified as poor; 88% of those who called themselves rich) agreed that freebies were aimed at votes, but the views diverged on the other two questions.

As opposed to 84% of self-identified ‘rich’ respondents, only 46% of the ‘poor’ said freebies were detrimental to the country’s financial situation. On the need of such promises, both the ‘poor’ and ‘lower middle class’ agreed far less than the rich.

The class identification is based on responses to a question on how participants rated the financial situation of their households (5% poor; 43% lower middle class; 45% upper middle class; 7% rich).

Also Read: India’s middle-class riddle: How much do you need to be called rich?

Public paradox

Even though freebies are disliked greatly, respondents did want some goods and services for free or at somewhat subsidized rates. High-income respondents expressed a stronger desire for subsidies or free giveaways.

Over 90% of the respondents think education, healthcare and agricultural products for farmers should be free or come at subsidized rates. When it comes to transport for women, electricity, gas cylinders and fuel, three in four respondents think they should be free or subsidized.

Those with higher incomes showed more inclination compared to the low-income group. Barring education and healthcare, for all other goods and services listed by the survey, those earning over 50,000 a month were likely to express the view that they should be free.

The divide is the highest for free petrol and diesel (17% of those earning above 50,000 compared to 10% of those earning below 50,000) and gas cylinders (21% and 15%, respectively). Free electricity and free transport for women, which have found popularity through several election seasons, also attract more high-income earners.

Also Read: Five more years of free foodgrains: The financial and welfare implications

All in all, the discourse about the alleged freebies culture is impacting views among urban voters, but the country’s overall approach to a welfare economy still finds resonance with a large share of the population. This nuance could shape how the debate on the topic evolves over the next few state elections.

This is the fourth part of a series about the findings of the 12th round of the survey. The previous two parts covered political attitudes. These surveys are skewed towards urban, well-to-do netizens, with 90% of respondents falling under the NCCS-A socio-economic category.

Part 1 (14 October): 2024 polls changed the electoral pitch — but only a little

Part 2 (15 October): Making sense of urban India’s political faultlines

Part 3 (21 October): India’s middle-class riddle: How much do you need to be called rich?

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